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News Summary of the Election for the Tenth Secretary-General of the UN

English Media

Celebrity Media: Will a New Consensus Candidate for UN Secretary-General Emerge During UN General Assembly High-Level Week?

—The Real Key Is Not Winning the Most Support, but Avoiding a Veto by Any of the P5

Following the third secret, informal straw poll in the selection of the next United Nations Secretary-General, an increasingly important question has emerged:

If the current candidates remain unable to secure a consensus within the Security Council, could a new figure emerge—someone who has never entered the race but whom all five permanent members could accept?

At present, there is no public evidence that such a person is preparing to enter the race, nor is there any indication that the Security Council has begun formal discussions around a new name. Nevertheless, the signals from the third round of voting suggest that this possibility now deserves serious attention.

A Frontrunner Has Emerged, but a Consensus Has Not

On September 18, the United Nations Security Council held its third secret, informal straw poll.

Rebeca Grynspan, former Vice President of Costa Rica and Secretary-General of UN Trade and Development, received nine “encourage” votes, five “discourage” votes, and one “no opinion” vote, placing her in the lead. Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett, Guyana’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, followed closely with eight “encourage” votes, six “discourage” votes, and one “no opinion” vote.

The vote sent a clear yet contradictory signal: a frontrunner has emerged, but a consensus candidate has not. Former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet subsequently withdrew from the race, further narrowing the field. Yet fewer candidates do not necessarily mean that a consensus is taking shape.

Although Grynspan received nine “encourage” votes, she also received five “discourage” votes. Under the current secret-ballot process, outside observers cannot determine which countries cast those votes, much less whether any came from the five permanent members—the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, and France.

Therefore, nine “encourage” votes establish only that she is in the lead; they do not mean that she has secured the final green light.

The Real Threshold: No Veto from Any of the P5

Under the Charter of the United Nations, the Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. A formal recommendation requires the support of at least nine Council members and must not be vetoed by any permanent member. In practice, this means that the selection process has two thresholds:

The first is securing sufficient support;

The second—and more difficult—is avoiding a veto by any permanent member.

A candidate may receive support from many countries yet still be unable to advance because of opposition from a permanent member. Conversely, a candidate may not be every country’s preferred choice, yet could ultimately prevail because all sides find that person acceptable. The next Secretary-General, therefore, may not necessarily be the candidate with the most support.

He or she is more likely to be:

Someone who can secure at least nine votes without prompting any permanent member to exercise its veto.

“No veto from any of the P5” does not mean “enthusiastic, unanimous support from all five.” Some may actively support the candidate, while others may simply find the person acceptable or choose not to stand in the way.

In selecting a Secretary-General, however, this minimum level of common acceptance is often more important than open and enthusiastic support.

What if none of the current candidates can clear the P5 hurdle? That is precisely the political context in which a new consensus candidate could emerge.

If the leading candidates continue to receive multiple “discourage” votes in subsequent rounds; if those votes include potential vetoes by permanent members; and if the principal contenders remain unable to overcome their respective political obstacles, then the question facing Security Council members may begin to change.

The question would no longer be simply:

“Which of the current candidates has the most support?”

Instead, it could become: Is there someone outside the current field whom all five permanent members could accept?” Such a person may never have announced a candidacy, participated in the earlier straw polls, or even been identified by the international media as a serious contender.

Yet if that person possesses sufficient international standing, diplomatic skill, and experience in United Nations affairs—while remaining clear of every permanent member’s political red lines—he or she could acquire special value in a deadlock. A new figure may emerge not because that person is stronger than the current candidates, but because:

This person may be able to solve a problem that the current candidates cannot.

A new figure may not be a “dark horse,” but rather a “consensus candidate.” If someone who has not previously entered the race suddenly joins the selection process, observers may be quick to call that person a “dark horse.” Yet within the political logic of selecting a UN Secretary-General, “consensus candidate” may be the more accurate description.

A “dark horse” usually refers to an initially overlooked contender who unexpectedly overtakes the others. The new figure envisioned here, however, may not need to defeat every existing candidate in an open contest.

That person’s true advantage may be this:

Not the first choice of any one side, but also not someone any side feels compelled to block.

He or she may not inspire the strongest support, but may face the least opposition; may not have entered the race first, but could become the compromise solution when all sides reach an impasse.

In international politics, a person capable of becoming a consensus choice is often not the one who most strongly represents any single side, but one who leaves room for parties with differing positions.

The UN Secretary-General must both fulfill the independent responsibilities conferred by the UN Charter and mediate among the interests of major powers and amid international conflicts. The final choice must therefore possess not only ability and stature, but also broad political acceptability.

Not Having Entered the Race Could Actually Be an Advantage

Declaring a candidacy early gives a contender more time to present a vision, build support, and undergo scrutiny by Member States. Yet when divisions among the P5 are pronounced, entering too early may also expose a candidate’s political positions, diplomatic relationships, and potential vulnerabilities, allowing opposition to accumulate over multiple rounds of voting.

By contrast, someone who has not formally entered the race may not have been prematurely associated with a particular country or political bloc, nor developed a fixed pattern of support and opposition in earlier straw polls.

If the current field reaches a deadlock, a new name may first surface through informal diplomatic contacts. The countries involved may quietly test the reactions of other Security Council members—particularly the P5—and a formal nomination may come only after the individual is found to have a certain level of political acceptability.

Therefore, if a new consensus candidate does emerge, the candidacy may appear sudden, but the diplomatic consultations that brought the name forward may have begun much earlier.

Gender and regional considerations remain relevant following Bachelet’s withdrawal, which has again altered the dynamics of the race. She served twice as President of Chile and later as United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, combining several significant identities: a woman, a Latin American political leader, and a former senior UN official. Her withdrawal does not mean that the questions of female leadership at the United Nations or Latin American regional representation have disappeared.

In more than eight decades of United Nations history, no woman has ever served as Secretary-General. At the same time, calls for the next Secretary-General to come from Latin America and the Caribbean remain strong. If a new consensus candidate later emerges, gender and regional background may therefore remain important considerations.

These factors alone, however, cannot guarantee selection.

A person may satisfy expectations concerning regional rotation and female representation yet still face a veto because of political experience, policy positions, or relationships with certain countries.

If a new consensus candidate emerges, that person may need to possess several qualities at once: substantial international experience, the ability to manage complex crises, political credibility across regions, and—most importantly—freedom from being regarded as unacceptable by any permanent member.

High-Level Week Could Become a Critical Window for Observation

The third straw poll took place just before the High-Level Week of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. During High-Level Week, numerous heads of state, heads of government, and foreign ministers gather in New York for intensive bilateral and multilateral meetings. This gives candidates for Secretary-General an important opportunity to build support, address concerns, and reduce opposition. Although the decisive screening takes place in the Security Council, High-Level Week also provides diplomatic space for countries to exchange views privately and assess the political viability of the candidates.

Whether the current candidates can use this opportunity to reduce opposition will be the first signal to watch. At the same time, if governments increasingly conclude that the current field is unlikely to produce a candidate whom none of the P5 would veto, High-Level Week could also provide an opportunity to test other names. Such soundings may not immediately take the form of a formal nomination. They may begin instead with an informal question:

If the current candidates cannot produce a consensus, is there someone else whom all sides could accept?

What deserves attention during High-Level Week, therefore, is not only which national leaders the current candidates meet, but also whether names previously absent from public discussion begin to surface in diplomatic conversations.

For now, this remains a possibility, not an established fact. To date, there is no public evidence that a person who has not entered the race has secured the acceptance of the P5, nor can it be assumed that a new candidate will necessarily emerge.

If one of the current frontrunners can reduce opposition, broaden support through subsequent diplomatic engagement and straw polls, and ultimately avoid a P5 veto, there will be no need to look beyond the current field. But if the existing candidates remain unable to overcome their respective political obstacles, the search for a new consensus candidate could move from a theoretical possibility to a practical political option.

If such a new figure emerges, the significance would extend beyond merely adding another name to the list. It would likely indicate that some Security Council members have begun to conclude that the current field cannot produce a final consensus.

The real suspense is not about who is temporarily ahead. What matters in the next stage is not simply whether a candidate gains or loses a vote in the next round, but three more consequential signals:

First, whether support begins to consolidate clearly around one or two candidates;

Second, whether opposition to the current candidates declines, particularly whether they can avoid opposition from the P5;

Third, whether diplomatic discussions begin to include a new figure who has never entered the race but whom none of the five permanent members may be willing to veto.

If a current frontrunner can move from “leading in the vote count” to “being accepted by all sides,” a new candidate may never emerge. But if the current candidates remain unable to overcome opposition from key countries, the Security Council may ultimately look not for the person with the greatest public support, but for someone whom no permanent member is determined to veto.

This is the central question now surrounding the selection of the next United Nations Secretary-General: Could the next Secretary-General be someone who has never entered the race, but emerges from the deadlock as the consensus choice?

There is no answer yet. But High-Level Week may begin to bring that answer into clearer focus.

Editor’s Note: This commentary was prepared on the basis of publicly available United Nations materials and open-source media reports. Its discussion of the direction of the selection process and of a potential consensus candidate constitutes analysis and assessment; it does not indicate that any new candidate has been formally nominated or endorsed by the five permanent members of the Security Council.

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Press Conference Ahead of UN General Assembly High-Level Week: Guterres Sounds the Alarm for a World in Turmoil

From War and the Energy Transition to Artificial Intelligence, the International Community Needs More Than Warnings—it Needs Action

Celebrity Media, based on news materials and videos provided by the United Nations, has compiled the following report and commentary: On the eve of the high-level week of the United Nations General Assembly, Secretary-General António Guterres addressed reporters on issues that appeared to span the energy transition, conflicts in the Middle East, the Russia-Ukraine war, artificial intelligence, and the rights of women in Afghanistan. In reality, they all point to the same question: As the world enters an era of profound uncertainty, are existing international institutions still capable of restraining powerful states, protecting civilians, and managing the risks shared by humanity?

This will be the final General Assembly attended by Guterres as United Nations Secretary-General. His remarks therefore served not only as an assessment of the current international situation, but also carried the weight of a political testament. He emphasized that as the world changes, international institutions must also change. Reform, however, must not become an excuse to abandon principles; instead, it should make countries more determined to uphold them.

His remarks touched upon the United Nations’ deepest current dilemma: The world does not lack principles. What it lacks is the consistent and effective enforcement of those principles.

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The Energy Transition Is Also a Security Strategy

From both economic and security perspectives, Guterres called for an accelerated transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy. Citing the Strait of Hormuz and the Black Sea, he explained that oil and natural gas supplies are vulnerable to war, blockades, and geopolitical conflict, whereas sunlight and wind do not cease to exist simply because a particular strait has been obstructed.

This assessment is grounded in reality. For decades, energy security has largely meant controlling oil fields, protecting shipping routes, and maintaining supply chains. With the development of solar power, wind power, and energy-storage technologies, the energy transition also means reducing countries’ dependence on unstable regions and maritime routes. Renewable energy is therefore not merely a matter of climate policy; it is increasingly becoming an important component of national security and economic autonomy.

However, the claim that “the wind always blows and the sun always shines” is more suitable as political rhetoric than as a substitute for comprehensive energy analysis. Renewable energy remains constrained by changing weather conditions, storage capacity, grid infrastructure, supplies of critical minerals, and manufacturing capacity. If these essential components remain concentrated in the hands of a small number of countries, the world may simply shift from dependence on oil-exporting nations to dependence on those that control minerals, technology, and supply chains.

A truly reliable energy transition must therefore do more than increase the share of wind and solar power. It must also develop energy storage, strengthen power grids, diversify supply chains, and help developing countries obtain financing and technology. Otherwise, the green transition may reproduce the inequalities of the old energy system.

“De-escalation” Must Be More Than a Slogan

Addressing the Middle East, Guterres repeatedly stressed that de-escalation must be the first, second, and third priority. He called for an end to harm against civilians, guaranteed access for humanitarian assistance, and the restoration of freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. He also advocated diplomacy and dialogue to end the escalation of conflict.

This sense of urgency is necessary. The two straits affect not only countries in the region, but also global energy supplies, trade, and food transportation. If military conflict causes shipping routes to remain disrupted for an extended period, the cost will be borne not only by the warring parties, but also by poorer countries that depend on imported energy and food.

However, merely calling on “all parties to exercise restraint” also has limitations. The various actors do not possess equal military capabilities, bear equal political responsibility, or have the same impact on civilians. If the international community relies only on vague and symmetrical language without holding specific actors accountable for specific conduct, de-escalation may become a demand that victims and perpetrators bear equal responsibility.

The purpose of diplomacy should not simply be to reduce the intensity of conflict temporarily. It should establish mechanisms capable of protecting civilians, ensuring the delivery of aid, and holding those responsible for unlawful conduct accountable. A ceasefire without accountability may merely become an interval before the next war, while humanitarian assistance without a political solution can do little more than repeatedly address the consequences of conflict.

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Remains the Central Issue the Middle East Cannot Avoid

Guterres explicitly called for the full implementation of the Gaza peace plan, unrestricted access for humanitarian assistance, and an end to the gradual annexation of land in the West Bank and actions that could result in the forced displacement of the population. He once again placed the two-state solution on the negotiating table, emphasizing that there can be no genuine peace in the Middle East until the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is resolved.

In recent years, the international community has repeatedly discussed expanding regional cooperation and establishing a new security architecture, while often attempting to bypass the Israeli-Palestinian issue. Reality has demonstrated that the political rights and security concerns of Palestinians will not automatically disappear simply because other countries establish diplomatic relations with one another.

The difficulties confronting the two-state solution, however, are no longer merely the absence of another round of negotiations. Its foundations on the ground are being steadily eroded. Settlement expansion, territorial fragmentation, recurring violence, and declining trust between the two sides are making the two-state solution increasingly difficult to implement. If the international community continues to support this solution, it must explain how it intends to stop unilateral actions that alter realities on the ground, rather than merely repeating an increasingly hollow objective in official statements.

From Ukraine to Sudan: Can International Rules Be Applied Consistently?

Regarding the Russia-Ukraine war, now entering its fifth year, Guterres called for an immediate ceasefire and described it as the first step toward a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace. “Just” and “lasting” are equally important. A ceasefire can reduce casualties, but if it tacitly accepts the alteration of borders through force, it may send a dangerous message to the world: As long as an aggressor can endure the costs of war for a sufficient length of time, the gains of aggression may eventually be accepted by the international community.

This is also a fundamental contradiction confronting the United Nations system. The UN Charter requires the protection of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, yet the permanent members of the Security Council possess veto power. When a major power is itself involved in a war, the United Nations faces severe constraints in enforcing its own principles.

Guterres also reminded the world that peace in the Horn of Africa will remain impossible unless the crisis in Sudan is resolved. This point deserves particular attention. International attention is distributed extremely unevenly among different wars, yet the hunger, displacement, and violence suffered by Sudanese civilians are not diminished simply because they receive less coverage in the headlines. The credibility of the United Nations also depends on whether it gives equal weight to the lives of people in different regions and from different ethnic groups.

Artificial Intelligence Is Becoming a New Battleground for Global Governance

Guterres devoted nearly half of his remarks to artificial intelligence, demonstrating that AI is no longer merely an issue for the technology industry. It has become a matter of global governance closely connected to warfare, employment, education, healthcare, the manipulation of public opinion, and national security.

Artificial intelligence can indeed advance disease diagnosis, personalized education, and climate research. However, technological development is moving faster than many countries can establish legal, regulatory, and social-protection mechanisms. Even more concerning is that the computing resources, data, and foundational models required for AI are concentrated primarily in a small number of countries and major corporations. Without global coordination, AI may not only widen the technological gap between countries, but also further concentrate wealth and power.

AI governance therefore cannot be limited to discussing whether the technology is safe. It must also answer several political questions: Who makes the rules? Who owns the data? Who profits from the technology? Who is responsible when it causes errors or harm? Will developing countries be reduced to users of technological products and sources of data?

The United Nations can provide a platform for global dialogue, but it cannot be satisfied with issuing declarations of principle. The international community must establish enforceable safety standards, accountability mechanisms, and cross-border regulatory arrangements, while preventing “AI safety” from becoming a tool used by a small number of countries to restrict the development of others.

Women’s Rights Are a Test of International Principles

Guterres used the forceful phrase “absolutely intolerable” to describe the situation facing women and girls in Afghanistan. Women are prohibited from working at United Nations premises, girls face restrictions on education, and employment opportunities for women have been drastically reduced. These policies not only violate fundamental rights, but also directly undermine Afghanistan’s ability to receive humanitarian assistance and achieve long-term development.

The question is how the international community can translate “intolerance” into effective action. Completely isolating Afghanistan would impose the greatest cost on ordinary people, particularly women and children. Yet restoring normal relations with the Taliban authorities without conditions could amount to de facto acceptance of their policies of repressing women.

The international community must distinguish between assisting civilians and recognizing a government. While ensuring that humanitarian assistance continues uninterrupted, it should make women’s access to education, employment, and participation in public life essential conditions for continued engagement. Women’s rights must not become bargaining chips that countries can trade away during diplomatic negotiations.

The United Nations Needs More Than Reform—it Needs Political Will

Guterres’s final General Assembly is likely to serve as a comprehensive reflection on his decade-long tenure. He confronts a world that is more divided than before: Wars are increasing, competition among major powers is intensifying, multilateral institutions are being questioned, and emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence are creating risks that traditional international rules are not yet prepared to address.

His commitment to multilateralism has practical significance because climate change, the spillover effects of war, refugee crises, infectious diseases, and the risks posed by artificial intelligence cannot be addressed by any single country acting alone. At the same time, multilateralism does not inherently represent justice. If international institutions cannot restrain powerful states, apply consistent standards to similar conduct, or turn declarations into action, countries’ trust in the international system will continue to decline.

Guterres said that updating institutions must not mean abandoning principles. This may be the most important part of his remarks. The world today does not need more eloquent international slogans. It needs countries that are willing to accept the constraints of principle even when doing so works against their own interests.

Whether the United Nations can continue to play a meaningful role will ultimately depend not only on what the Secretary-General says, but also on whether member states are willing to pay the political price necessary to allow diplomacy to rise above short-term calculations—and to ensure that international law restrains powerful states as well as weaker ones.

Celebrity Media: 81st UN General Assembly Opens—Who Will Become the Next UN Secretary-General?

81st UN General Assembly Opens: Who Will Be the Next UN Secretary-General?Eight Candidates Compete Without a Consensus—Could a “Ninth Candidate” Emerge as the Compromise Choice?

Celebrity Media News Commentary: The 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly officially opened at UN Headquarters in New York on the afternoon of September 8.

This session convenes amid multiple challenges, including ongoing wars, geopolitical divisions, the climate crisis, uneven development, and declining confidence in multilateralism. It is also responsible for an important task that will shape the direction of the United Nations for the next five years—the appointment of the next UN Secretary-General.

Current Secretary-General António Guterres will complete his second term on December 31, 2026. With the opening of the 81st General Assembly, the selection process for his successor is entering a more intensive phase of political consultations.

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The images and video above were taken by Celebrity Media during the public display of the original United Nations Charter at UN Headquarters.

The new President of the General Assembly, Bangladeshi diplomat Khalilur Rahman, has chosen the following theme for the 81st session:

“Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations That Delivers for All”

This is not only the working theme of the current General Assembly; it can also be viewed as a test for the next Secretary-General: in an environment where international cooperation is becoming increasingly difficult, who can rebuild trust and help the United Nations adapt to a world that is no longer the world of 1945?

The General Assembly Will Appoint the Tenth UN Secretary-General—but the Security Council Will Decide Whom to Recommend

In his opening remarks, Rahman directly addressed the “trust deficit” confronting the United Nations. He stated that today’s world is no longer the world of 1945 and that the United Nations must adapt to change, advance reform, and regain the trust of both its Member States and the international public.

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He also identified the selection of the next Secretary-General as one of the 81st General Assembly’s major responsibilities, pledging to work with the President of the Security Council and all Member States to ensure a fair, inclusive, and transparent process.

Under Article 97 of the United Nations Charter, the Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.

This means that although the 193 Member States formally make the appointment through the General Assembly, the Security Council remains the primary arena in which the finalist is determined. A candidate must secure the support of at least nine Security Council members while avoiding a veto from any of its five permanent members—the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, or France.

The selection process is therefore not only a contest of individual qualifications and leadership ability, but also a process through which the major powers seek the minimum political consensus they can all accept.

Eight Candidates in the Race, but No One Secures Nine “Encourage” Votes in the Second Round

Eight candidates are currently competing for the position:

  • Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett, Permanent Representative of Guyana to the United Nations
  • Rebeca Grynspan, Secretary-General of UN Trade and Development
  • Rafael Grossi, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency
  • Macky Sall, former President of Senegal
  • María Fernanda Espinosa, former Foreign Minister of Ecuador and former President of the UN General Assembly
  • Olara Otunnu, former UN Under-Secretary-General from Uganda
  • Michelle Bachelet, former President of Chile and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
  • Ivonne A-Baki, former Ecuadorian diplomat and government minister

The Security Council held its second informal straw poll on August 21. Although the Council did not officially release the detailed vote totals, PassBlue, a news outlet specializing in United Nations affairs, cited sources as reporting the following results:

CandidateEncourageDiscourageNo Opinion
Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett 8 3 4
Rebeca Grynspan 7 4 4
Rafael Grossi 7 6 2
Macky Sall 6 7 2
Olara Otunnu 5 5 5
María Fernanda Espinosa 4 3 8
Michelle Bachelet 2 6 7
Ivonne A-Baki 0 8 7

Rodrigues Birkett is provisionally in the lead with eight “encourage” votes, while Grynspan and Grossi each received seven. Their positions, however, are not identical: Grynspan received four “discourage” votes, while Grossi received six, indicating that Grossi faces greater resistance.

Although Espinosa received only four “encourage” votes, she received just three “discourage” votes. This demonstrates that a candidate’s prospects cannot be judged solely by the number of supportive votes. The number of opposing votes must also be considered, along with whether any of them may have come from permanent members with veto power.

Support for the Frontrunners Remains Unstable

Compared with the first round, the second-round results also reveal a noteworthy shift.

In the first straw poll held on July 30, media reports indicated that Grynspan received 10 “encourage” votes, Rodrigues Birkett received nine, and Grossi received seven. In the second round, Grynspan’s support fell to seven votes, while Rodrigues Birkett’s declined to eight.

This suggests that although frontrunners have emerged, their support has not yet stabilized, and no clear consensus has formed within the Security Council.

Nevertheless, straw polls are nonbinding tests of support and are not equivalent to a formal vote. At this stage, the ballots also do not distinguish between permanent and non-permanent Security Council members. The public therefore cannot determine whether a candidate’s “discourage” votes include a potential veto from one or more of the permanent five.

In other words, the fact that a candidate reached the nine-vote threshold in the first round does not mean that the candidate had cleared all obstacles. Likewise, the fact that no one received nine “encourage” votes in the second round does not necessarily mean that the race has reached a deadlock. The real question is who can secure sufficient support while avoiding a veto from the permanent five.

Will the Prospect of the “First Female Secretary-General” Become a Deciding Factor?

In more than 80 years since the founding of the United Nations, no woman has ever served as Secretary-General. Five of the eight current candidates are women, making the selection of the first female Secretary-General a realistic possibility.

The two current frontrunners, Rodrigues Birkett and Grynspan, are both women. However, Bachelet’s support fell from six “encourage” votes in the first round to only two in the second. This shows that although gender may be an important advantage, it does not automatically translate into Security Council support.

The real question is no longer whether a woman can serve as Secretary-General, but rather:

Which female candidate can balance regional representation, political experience, diplomatic ability, and demands for reform while also securing the minimum level of acceptance from all five permanent members?

This selection cycle is widely regarded as an opportunity for Latin America and the Caribbean. Combined with calls from Member States to appoint the first female Secretary-General, women and candidates from the region may enjoy a certain political advantage. However, both region and gender are merely factors influencing the selection process—not guarantees of the final outcome.

When Will the Permanent Five Begin Serious Negotiations Over a Candidate?

The most important turning point ahead will come when the five permanent members move from observing candidates and testing their levels of support to negotiating over the final nominee.

The United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, and France may not share the same view about which issues the next Secretary-General should prioritize:

  • Peace and security, or global development?
  • Human rights, or coordination among the major powers?
  • Advancing UN reform, or first ensuring that the organization can continue to perform its essential functions?

Different priorities may point to entirely different candidates.

Therefore, even if a candidate receives a relatively high number of “encourage” votes, firm opposition from a single permanent member could still prevent that candidate from reaching the final stage. Conversely, a lower-ranked candidate with fewer opposing votes and broader acceptability could rise during subsequent consultations.

In the next phase, the key question will not simply be who has the most supportive votes, but who faces the lowest risk of a veto.

Could a “Ninth Candidate” Emerge Beyond the Current Field of Eight?

This is currently the most intriguing variable in the selection process.

Selecting the Secretary-General is not a direct election in the conventional sense. If, after multiple rounds of consultations, none of the current candidates can secure at least nine votes while avoiding a veto from the permanent five, the Security Council would still have political room to seek a compromise candidate.

At present, there is no public evidence that any particular “ninth candidate” has entered substantive consultations among the permanent five. However, the possibility of additional nominations has not been institutionally excluded. The absence of a clear frontrunner in the second round may also encourage other potential candidates to reassess whether they should enter the race.

The true “dark horse” may not be the person who has attracted the most public attention or announced a candidacy first. Instead, it may be someone capable of meeting all of the following conditions:

Acceptable to the United States, acceptable to China, acceptable to Russia, and not strongly opposed by the United Kingdom or France.

If the current frontrunners cannot clear this hurdle, a person with less public recognition but relatively little political opposition could emerge as the compromise candidate.

However, until a specific name emerges and reliable diplomatic information becomes available, the “ninth candidate” should still be regarded as a possibility rather than an established political arrangement.

What Should We Watch After September 22?

The general debate of the 81st General Assembly will begin on September 22. Heads of state, heads of government, and foreign ministers from around the world will gather in New York, creating opportunities for numerous bilateral meetings and informal diplomatic contacts.

Although no date for the next straw poll has been publicly confirmed, four signals will be particularly important to watch in the coming weeks:

  1. Whether the leading candidates from the second round can expand their support again;
  2. Whether candidates with a high number of “discourage” votes decide to withdraw;
  3. When the Security Council will introduce color-coded ballots that reveal the positions of the permanent five;
  4. Whether another country formally nominates a ninth candidate.

These developments will reveal more about the likely final outcome than any candidate’s ranking in a single straw poll.

The Real Contest Has Only Just Begun

The 81st General Assembly is now underway, and the selection of the next Secretary-General is moving from the presentation of candidates into a more complex stage of political bargaining.

The second straw poll produced provisional frontrunners, but no consensus candidate. Rodrigues Birkett currently ranks first, followed by Grynspan and Grossi. However, none of the three has yet established stable support sufficient to overcome the risk of a veto from the permanent five.

What matters next is not simply how many “encourage” votes each candidate receives, but who can reduce opposition, broaden their acceptability, and ultimately become a choice that the major powers can accept.

If none of the eight current candidates can clear that hurdle, a new nominee or compromise candidate may enter the picture.

The United Nations is looking not only for Guterres’ successor, but also for a leader capable of maintaining dialogue, bridging the Global North and South, and advancing institutional reform at a time of geopolitical division and declining confidence in multilateralism.

Which candidate will ultimately prevail—or whether someone outside the current field of eight will emerge victorious—remains far from certain. The real contest has only just begun.

The final three chimes at the United Nations Peace Bell Ceremony commemorating the International Day of Peace carried especially profound significance.

Celebrity Media, based on news video footage provided by the United Nations, reports: On the morning of September 9, 2026, local time, the United Nations held a ceremony commemorating the International Day of Peace in the Peace Garden outside the Conference Building at UN Headquarters. UN Secretary-General António Guterres, President of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly Khalilur Rahman, Japan’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, and representatives of the United Nations Peace Bell Preservation Association attended the event.

Accompanied by music performed by the United Nations Singers and a young violinist, Guterres and Rahman each rang the Japanese Peace Bell. Its lingering sound echoed throughout the UN grounds, reminding the international community that peace is not an abstract aspiration, but a cause that requires governments, civil society organizations, and every individual to build together and support continuously.

The International Day of Peace is officially observed each year on September 21. UN Headquarters usually holds the Peace Bell Ceremony in advance to coordinate with the schedule of the General Assembly and related events. This year’s theme is “Invest in Peace—For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day,” emphasizing that the benefits of peace should reach every person in every corner of the world.

Before the ceremony began, the master of ceremonies, UN Under-Secretary-General for Global Communications Melissa Fleming, paid tribute to community leaders, educators, young people, activists, and ordinary citizens who have long devoted themselves to building peace. She said that by choosing dialogue over division and cooperation over confrontation, they serve as peacemakers in everyday life. Although their work often goes unrecognized, it offers a genuine demonstration of what it means to “invest in peace.”

Fleming also explained that, as part of a legacy project of Expo 2025 Osaka, the Peace Bell and its surrounding Japanese garden underwent maintenance completed in August this year. Two plaques explaining the bell’s history and significance were also installed—one in the Japanese garden and the other in the UN Visitors Lobby—allowing more visitors to learn the story behind the bell.

This year’s ceremony took place two days before the 25th anniversary of the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States. The attacks of September 11, 2001, claimed nearly 3,000 lives and had a profound impact on New York and the world. Ringing the Peace Bell at this particular moment also gave its sound a powerful contemporary significance—honoring lives lost, rejecting violence, and calling for peace.

In his remarks, Guterres said that every time the Peace Bell rings, it reminds people of the United Nations’ most important and far-reaching mission: building peace.

“Peace is never achieved easily. Peace takes hard work. Peace takes action,” he emphasized.

Guterres noted that action for peace is weakening in today’s world. Violence and division are tearing communities apart, conflicts are expanding and deepening, and many people are suffering, while the dialogue and unity needed to resolve these crises remain sorely lacking.

Yet when some governments fail to deliver peace, volunteers, advocates, civil society organizations, community leaders, peacekeepers, and peacebuilders around the world continue to offer another path through their actions. They speak out, bridge divides, repair communities, and make peace possible in everyday life through efforts both large and small.

Guterres called on world leaders to follow the example of these peacebuilders by increasing investment in people’s health, education, nutrition, and social protection; advancing sustainable development; building institutions that earn public trust; safeguarding the fundamental human rights and dignity of every person; and recommitting to proven instruments of peace, including diplomacy, dialogue, negotiation, and peacekeeping.

He said that the international community cannot merely voice support for peace. It must invest in solutions, take concrete action, and work to build lasting and sustainable peace.

In his remarks that day, the newly appointed President of the 81st Session of the General Assembly, Rahman, reflected in particular on the extraordinary origins of the Japanese Peace Bell. He noted that the bell was not created by any government acting alone, but grew out of one ordinary Japanese man’s unwavering pursuit of peace.

Rahman said that the coins and medals collected from people around the world to cast the Peace Bell each carried their own story—memories of lives saved and sacrifices made, accounts of people supporting one another during turbulent times, and humanity’s hopes for the future. When they were melted and cast together, the aspirations for peace shared by different nations and peoples seemed to be united within a single bell.

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This was Guterres’ final appearance at the annual Peace Bell Ceremony during his tenure as UN Secretary-General. His second term will end on December 31, 2026.

“This will be the last time I ring the Peace Bell, but I will always stand with those who defend peace around the world,” Guterres said in his remarks.

Notably, as the ceremony drew to a close, Guterres joined Seiko Takase, daughter of Peace Bell advocate Chiyoji Nakagawa and a representative of the United Nations Peace Bell Preservation Association, on the bell platform. Together, they rang the Peace Bell three times. The image of the two standing side by side and holding the striker was especially striking: on one side was the UN Secretary-General nearing the end of his term, and on the other, a descendant of the creator of the Peace Bell. From Nakagawa’s journey across countries to collect coins decades ago to the bell sounding once again at UN Headquarters today, the moment connected more than 70 years of commitment to peace with a living historical legacy.

As the United Nations enters its ninth decade, the three chimes seemed to carry three reminders: remember the suffering caused by war and violence, cherish the hard-won peace we have, and protect humanity’s shared future through concrete action. This symbolic moment demonstrated that the aspiration for peace can be passed down from generation to generation, but peace will not come on its own. At a time of continuing conflict, intensifying geopolitical confrontation, and deepening social division, the international community still faces a long and difficult road in its pursuit of world peace.

On one side was the UN Secretary-General nearing the end of his term; on the other was a descendant of the creator of the Peace Bell. What they rang together was not merely a bell cast from coins contributed by countries around the world, but also a legacy of peace spanning more than seven decades.

Two days later—today—New York commemorates the 25th anniversary of the September 11 terrorist attacks. The pain of 25 years ago reminds us that the consequences of violence do not disappear when they fade from the headlines. The Peace Bell, created more than 70 years ago, reminds the world that peace will not arrive automatically through commemorative ceremonies alone.

The three chimes can be understood as a remembrance of those who died, a warning for the present, and a commitment to the future. Yet the sound of the bell is ultimately only a symbol. What truly determines the direction of the world is whether nations, after the sound fades, are willing to reduce confrontation, rebuild trust, and resolve disputes through diplomacy, dialogue, and concrete action. The United Nations has entered its ninth decade, but the road toward world peace remains long and difficult.

Celebrity Media Commentary: UN Secretary-General Selection — Beyond the Eight Candidates, Who Is Celebrity Media Watching?

The selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations is entering a critical stage.

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On August 21, the United Nations Security Council held its second round of informal straw polling. Guyanese candidate Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett received 8 “encourage” votes, placing her provisionally in first place; Costa Rica’s Rebeca Grynspan and Argentina’s Rafael Grossi each received 7 “encourage” votes, following closely behind.

On the surface, the shape of the competition appears to be gradually becoming clearer. But it would still be premature to conclude that the next UN Secretary-General will most likely emerge from among these current frontrunners.

The reason is that what ultimately determines the outcome of this selection process is not who temporarily ranks first, but who can ultimately become acceptable to the Security Council—especially to all five permanent members. In the second round of voting, the ballots cast by the five permanent members and the other 10 Security Council members were still not differentiated, so the public does not currently know whether any of the “discourage” votes received by candidates already include a potential veto from one of the permanent members.

Therefore, the question truly worth watching today may not be: Who is leading among the eight candidates? Rather, it is: If none of the eight can ultimately generate consensus, could a ninth candidate emerge?

Celebrity Media proposed as early as before November 2025 that the United Nations should have a female Secretary-General

In fact, as early as November last year, when the selection of the next UN Secretary-General had just begun attracting international attention, Celebrity Media put forward a clear proposal: At this historic moment, we hope the United Nations will choose the first female Secretary-General since the organization was founded.

This is not simply a slogan in pursuit of “political correctness.” The United Nations has existed for more than 80 years, yet the position of Secretary-General has never been held by a woman. Historical information published by the United Nations itself also clearly states that the organization has never had a female Secretary-General.

The composition of this year’s field of candidates itself also shows that this issue is no longer merely a symbolic discussion.

Among the eight currently declared candidates are several women, including Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett, Rebeca Grynspan, Michelle Bachelet, María Fernanda Espinosa, and Ivonne A-Baki. In the second round of straw polling, Rodrigues-Birkett and Grynspan, currently in first and second place respectively, are also both women.

Therefore, whether the United Nations will choose a female Secretary-General for the first time in 2026 has become a realistic and concrete possibility in this selection process rather than a distant political aspiration. But Celebrity Media is also focusing on another question: What if the first female Secretary-General ultimately chosen is not among these eight candidates?Eight people competing does not mean the field is already closed 

First, it is necessary to clarify how the UN Secretary-General is selected.

Under Article 97 of the Charter of the United Nations, the Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. In other words, although the General Assembly formally completes the appointment, it is the Security Council that effectively determines who can reach the final stage.

The Security Council has 15 members. A candidate ultimately needs not only sufficient support, but more importantly must avoid a veto from any of the five permanent members: the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, and France.

This means that the selection of the UN Secretary-General has never been a conventional “democratic election.” A candidate may enjoy the support of many member states, perform impressively in public debates, or rank first in the early rounds of straw polling, but if that candidate cannot overcome the threshold posed by any one of the five permanent members in the final stage, an early lead may become meaningless.

The current results demonstrate precisely that such a consensus has not yet been reached.

In the second round, frontrunner Rodrigues-Birkett received 8 “encourage” votes, while Grynspan and Grossi each received 7. No candidate has demonstrated an overwhelming advantage, and the true positions of the five permanent members remain undisclosed. The selection process could continue into September or even October.

More importantly, these eight candidates were not a fixed group from the beginning.

Uganda’s Olara Otunnu was nominated only on July 24 and entered the first round of straw polling, while the current eighth candidate, Ivonne A-Baki, was nominated as late as August 17. She did not even participate in the first round of straw polling held on July 30. The selection rules published by the United Nations also allow member states to continue submitting new candidates after the original nomination deadline.

In other words: “There are currently eight candidates” and “the final choice must come from these eight candidates” are two entirely different propositions. In fact, before the second round of voting, Russia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Vasily Nebenzya, publicly stated that if the existing candidates became deadlocked and none could emerge, other candidates might still appear.

This is also why Celebrity Media believes it remains worthwhile to look beyond the current eight.

So why are we paying attention to Amina J. Mohammed? Among the potential figures who could emerge from outside the current field, one name that cannot easily be ignored is the current Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations: Amina J. Mohammed. We are paying attention to her not because there is evidence that she is secretly campaigning. Quite the opposite: the publicly available facts show that she is not a candidate.

We are watching her primarily because her background is highly distinctive among potential “consensus candidates.” Amina Mohammed has served as Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations since February 2017 and also serves as Chair of the United Nations Sustainable Development Group. Before joining the UN’s highest leadership level, she served as Nigeria’s Minister of Environment. Earlier, she was Special Adviser to then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and was directly involved in advancing the development of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

This means that for nearly a decade, she has operated at the highest levels of UN decision-making and management. She is familiar with the Office of the Secretary-General, understands the coordination mechanisms among UN agencies, and has long worked with national governments, international organizations, and global development institutions.

From the perspective of her political résumé, she carries several highly distinctive attributes: African background, female leadership, the Global South, senior UN management experience, sustainable development, climate and environmental policy, and extensive experience in multilateral cooperation.

In today’s international political environment, these characteristics are not insignificant.

The next UN Secretary-General will have to deal not only with the internal management of the United Nations, but also with a series of major challenges including the Russia-Ukraine war, conflict in the Middle East, security crises in Africa, climate change, the global North-South development gap, great-power competition, and the decline of the United Nations’ own credibility.

In a discussion published by the Financial Times on August 27 regarding the next UN Secretary-General, former UN official and historian Thant Myint-U noted that, given the United Nations’ declining influence and the divisions within the Security Council today, the next Secretary-General will particularly need political courage, composure, and strong diplomatic and mediation skills in order to reactivate the UN’s role as a mediator.

By this standard, Amina Mohammed has clear strengths: she possesses extensive experience at the core of the United Nations and has a strong record in global development and international cooperation.

However, she also has a significant issue that must be acknowledged: her public record in peace mediation, war settlement, and major security crises is not as prominent as her experience in development and UN governance.

Therefore, paying attention to her does not mean concluding that she already possesses every qualification necessary to become Secretary-General. This is precisely the distinction that must be maintained between political commentary and political “betting.”

The strongest evidence against such speculation is that she herself has clearly said, “I am not running”

Any discussion of Amina Mohammed must acknowledge one very important fact.

On July 7, at a press conference held at United Nations Headquarters, when a journalist directly asked whether she might run for the position of the next Secretary-General, she gave a very clear answer:

She is not a candidate and has no intention of becoming one.

She further stated that she supports the UN tradition of regional rotation for the position of Secretary-General, believes this cycle should produce a candidate from Latin America and the Caribbean, and hopes that the eventual choice will be a woman.

This statement effectively establishes a very clear factual boundary around all speculation concerning her. As of now, Amina Mohammed is not a candidate for UN Secretary-General.

There is no evidence that she is campaigning. There is no evidence that she is seeking nomination by any country. Nor is there any public evidence proving that the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, and France already regard her as a mutually acceptable candidate.

Therefore, describing her now as a “hidden candidate,” a “dark horse,” or even “the next Secretary-General” would go beyond what the existing evidence can support. Celebrity Media does not intend to do so.

If there are already several women among the eight candidates, why still look at Amina?

This is a question that must be answered. If Celebrity Media advocates for the United Nations to choose its first female Secretary-General, there are already several highly qualified women among the eight current candidates, and indeed the current frontrunners are women.

So why look beyond the official list?

The answer is: we are not asking whether “Amina is better than the other female candidates.” We are examining another political scenario that could emerge in the Secretary-General selection process.

If Rodrigues-Birkett, Grynspan, Bachelet, Espinosa, or any of the other candidates ultimately secures the required support in the Security Council while avoiding a veto from the five permanent members, then the question of candidates outside the current field will naturally become irrelevant.

But if future rounds of voting show that the leading candidates can secure support from ordinary members but cannot get past one particular permanent member; while other candidates may be acceptable to several major powers but cannot obtain enough Security Council support; and the parties continue rejecting candidates acceptable to one another without being able to agree on a mutually acceptable alternative—then the entire logic of the selection process could change.

At that point, the question may no longer be “Who currently ranks highest?” Instead, it could become:

Who is someone that no one necessarily prefers, but everyone can accept?

This is precisely the political value of a “consensus candidate” in the selection of the UN Secretary-General. And it is only under such a hypothetical scenario that Amina Mohammed—with many years of experience at the highest levels of the United Nations, roots in the Global South, and the symbolic significance of female leadership—becomes particularly worth watching. The key word is watching, not “predicting victory.” The two must not be confused.

What truly needs to be watched is the P5, not the rankings

Therefore, after the second round of straw polling, Celebrity Media is not rushing to create a simple “leaderboard” for the eight candidates. Who currently ranks first certainly matters. But for this selection process, three questions are actually more important:

First, when will the positions of the five permanent members begin to become clear in the upcoming rounds of voting?

Second, is there anyone among the current frontrunners who can genuinely meet the standard of “sufficient support and no veto from any permanent member”?

Third, if none of the existing candidates can meet that standard, will another country nominate a new candidate?

If the first two questions remain unanswered for too long, the importance of the third will rise rapidly. This is why we are still looking beyond the current eight.

Celebrity Media’s assessment

Last November, Celebrity Media expressed the hope that, after more than 80 years of the United Nations, the organization could finally produce the first female Secretary-General in its history. Today, we continue to hold that expectation.

Judging from the current state of the race, that possibility is far from remote—several of the eight candidates are highly experienced female leaders with extensive backgrounds in international politics and the United Nations, and female candidates are currently leading in the second round of voting.

But our attention does not stop at the single label of “woman.” The next UN Secretary-General will ultimately have to confront a deeply divided international environment. A candidate who can truly prevail must possess leadership ability, international experience, political judgment, and the most difficult capability of all:

Getting major powers that sharply disagree with one another to at least agree not to veto her.

Is there already such a person among the current eight candidates? It is still too early to conclude. If the eventual answer is “yes,” the next Secretary-General will most likely come from today’s list. If the answer ultimately proves to be “no,” the international community will have to search again for someone capable of breaking the deadlock. At that point, figures outside the current field will become important.

Amina J. Mohammed is one of the names worth watching.

She is not currently a candidate. She has publicly denied any intention to run. She has even clearly stated that she hopes a woman from Latin America and the Caribbean will become Secretary-General. None of these facts should be ignored.

But it should likewise not be ignored that she has nearly a decade of experience at the highest levels of the United Nations, as well as multiple dimensions to her background: the developing world, the Global South, female leadership, and multilateralism.

So what Celebrity Media is raising today is not a conclusion, but a question: If none of the current eight candidates can ultimately cross the threshold imposed by the five permanent members, who will become the new consensus candidate? The answer may still not be Amina Mohammed.

Perhaps there will never be a ninth candidate at all. But in the selection of a UN Secretary-General—a process fundamentally determined by major-power coordination and political consensus—not being on the list today does not mean never entering the discussion.

This is precisely why looking “beyond the eight” is truly worth our attention. Celebrity Media will continue to follow the selection process for the next Secretary-General of the United Nations.